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It is received wisdom that this is what support for Donald Trump in the United States has meant, just as the victory of Euroscepticism on the other side of the Atlantic sets off trains of thought involving cricket, country pubs and warm beer, toasted crumpets and ruddy Morris men.

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With his simultaneous invocation of nanny and the Morris Minor, the Victorian age and the s, Rees-Mogg is a perfect embodiment of what the French critic Roland Barthes famously termed a mythology. Barthes famously uncovered complex and interlinked strains of masculinism, pro-imperialism and French nationalism behind the images of the tricolour and a plate of steak frites. Indeed, for Scott-Heron, this gaze peered at a fictive, mythologized vision of America, one akin to the B-movie landscape in which Reagan had made his name.

Actually, it was undermined by Hemingway himself, in his own writing and career. Inscribed into the Hemingway mythos are the elements of its own collapse. It is a self-consciously stagey vision of the hard-shooting, hard-drinking, hard-fighting frontiersman, a hammy performance of American maleness.

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The point of this digression is that the complex of signifiers to which Trumpism points — a white masculinity located in the past — is itself inherently unstable. It requires an effort of will to maintain. The complex of signifiers to which Trumpism points — a white masculinity located in the past — is itself inherently unstable. In other words, the electorate are engaged at some level in a fictive transaction, where we know that what we intend to buy is indeed a counterfeit. Everything about this kind of politics, then, is fake, all is surface; and at some level its supporters know they are buying the cheap copy Rolex.

In contrast, the nostalgic contemporary right appears focused on a past that is, at most, a hundred or a hundred and fifty years old. Nostalgia is everywhere in our current moment. Popular television series like Stranger Things and Glow recreate the culture and symbols of the s, whilst restaurants recreate nostalgic tastes and fashion harks backwards. Taken together, these seemingly innocuous emblems and rituals — foods, images, phrases — may hide a more sinister purpose, providing feel-good cover for dangerous new forms of ethno-nationalism, protectionism and racism.

Whilst these forms of nostalgia may be very diverse, their presence on the political stage must be interrogated. If you have any queries about republishing please contact us. Please check individual images for licensing details. Projects The psychological mechanism underlying relative deprivation theory is that unsatisfied expectations lead to feelings of frustration that subsequently shape socio-political behaviour. Such an idea comports with much longer-standing ideas closer to economics about the positional character of well-being and competition developed in relation to consumption behaviour Duesenberry, ; Hirsch, ; Frank, ; Ackerman, ; Sanders, ; Feltlovich and Ejebu, The crux of our argument is that such positional deprivation can have fundamental implications for radical positioning of voters, spurring support for radical right populism through at least two not necessarily distinct causal mechanisms.

Van der Brug et al. Since the legitimacy of any political system is at least partly dependent on the perceived quality of outputs, resentments generated by positional deprivation might also undermine faith in political—institutional anchors of Western liberalism democracy, constitutionalism, freedom, and human rights. Out-group scapegoating might also be directed towards the EU or other international or supranational institutions since these institutions constrain national-level autonomy while political identities are overwhelmingly national.

Finally, out-group scapegoating can extend to broader blaming of economic globalization, trade openness, and internationalism more generally van der Waal and de Koster, Both of these two mechanisms — programmatic focus or scapegoating associated with radical left and radical right politics — can be expected to translate exposure to positional deprivation into support for radical left and radical right parties. The disgruntlement unleashed or awakened by positional deprivation might yield general retreat from politics, a withdrawal of support for established or any other political parties, and motivate lower political participation of any kind e.

In light of the above mechanisms, we focus on two hypotheses as to how positional deprivation can be expected to spur support for radical right or radical left parties. The first focuses on how positional deprivation in general ought to affect support for radical right and radical left parties in general. These positions signal the promise of taking-on the culprits of the misfortunes of positional deprivation.

Radicalism is Nostalgia

To be sure, positional deprivation relative to the richest on the income spectrum might awaken more resentments and political ferment than does, say, average positional deprivation relative to average income growth across the income spectrum , or than positional deprivation relative to the poorest on the income spectrum. But we expect any such positional deprivation to spur radicalism. Our first hypothesis, hence, is general:.

The Radical Left (the documentary film)

Within this general pattern, however, we do expect variation in how different kinds of positional deprivation play out for the radical left versus radical right. Such upper-register positional deprivation, after all, plays into the basic anti-elite pitch of radical left and radical right parties. Equally important, different manifestations of positional deprivation can be expected to steer voters in different radical left or radical right directions, given the differences between radical left and radical right party orientations.

Taken together, these nuances suggest that upper and lower register positional deprivation may play out in distinct ways for support for the radical left and the radical right. And the nuances suggest that support for radical left and radical right parties can be differently sensitive to upper and lower register positional deprivation. Our second hypothesis focuses on what we anticipate to be the most important difference in how particular manifestations of positional deprivation play out for particular radicalisms:.

Hypothesis 2: Individuals experiencing upper-register positional deprivation lower income growth than experienced by the richest on the income distribution should be more likely to support radical-left than -right parties, while individuals experiencing lower-register positional deprivation lower income growth than experienced by the poorest on the distribution should be more likely to support radical-right than -left parties.

We hope to test these hypotheses about how individuals are more likely to support radical right or radical left populist parties if they have seen their own household income increase less decrease more than others in the same society. In practice, however, we face an important obstacle, because there is no data available that systematically contains 1 , 2 , and 3. True income panel datasets, such as the German Socio-Economic Panel , the British Household Panel Survey , the Swiss Household Panel , and the American Panel Study of Income Dynamics , provide very little data on essential political behavioural variables, and in any case do not allow for large cross-country comparisons.

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Preferring a well-specified individual-level model gauging party-political support for a significant cross-national of polities, we focus on the second option and use data from the ESS waves 1—7, — We match this data to a larger dataset on real household income, from the LIS, that is a basis for constructing measures of positional deprivation for all 20 ESS countries for which data are available.

LIS provides data from a large number of representative cross-sectional household income surveys held in more than 50 countries from the s onwards. These data have gaps between particular years but can be used to calculate annual or longer-term change in income in PPP terms for a given country-decile-year LIS, Note that using the repeated cross-section data of LIS is preferable to using true panel data for generating measures of change in income on the decile-country level.

With true panel data one would follow the same individual i over a particular time period t. Measuring decile-country-year income growth with repeated cross-section data, as we do, can provide the same estimate while avoiding that last problem. In addition the cross-sectional household surveys included in LIS have much larger sample sizes than available income panel datasets and are at any point in time derived from a fully random sample.

Populism, radical right, and socialist nostalgia in Bulgarian politics

This means that the LIS income data are likely to be more reliable than true panel datasets and less sensitive to validity issues arising from non-random sample attrition. From such growth incidence curves, we can distil systematic measures of positional deprivation.

Here, higher values constitute relatively less gain or greater loss for oneself when compared with others in the same society — positional deprivation , hence. In principle, positional deprivation can be measured by comparing the income growth of any individual decile with any other group of income decile s.

To explore our two hypotheses, however, four specifications of positional deprivation are most important. This captures the most encompassing measure most relevant to our general Hypothesis 1. But for voters in that fourth decile, fifth-decile positional deprivation is substantially lower than is either first-decile positional deprivation or, especially, tenth-decile positional deprivation.

Such measures of positional deprivation can be expected to vary substantially across deciles, countries, and years. Germans in the fifth decile experienced the highest positional deprivation by any of our four positional deprivation measures for this period, while the wealthiest tenth decile experienced the lowest positional deprivation by any measure and the poorest first decile the second-lowest.

Plenty of countries share this U-shaped pattern for any given period, but some show very different patterns.

The United Kingdom is a clear example of a country in which, for this period, the richest got relatively richer than did the poorest with positional deprivation being highest for the poorest decile and lowest positional deprivation for the richest decile. For the purposes of the analysis below, our measures of mean positional deprivation , fifth-decile-based positional deprivation , tenth-decile positional deprivation , and first-decile positional deprivation are all calculated for 5-year periods or windows between and to match the ESS data from to This is preferable to shorter periods that are less likely to be felt or registered in any meaningful way by people, and it is close to the average election cycle across our sample countries.

In any event, in the country sample and period under review, individual exposure to all the measures of positional deprivation was highly dispersed. The ESS dataset allows us to measure our outcomes of interest i. The only other party-choice measure in the ESS dataset involves a question about party membership, which captures a much smaller sample of respondents than party affinity or voting.

Based on such categorization of radical populist parties, we focus on several ways of conceptualizing support for radical right and radical left parties. Our baseline measures of party support, hence, consider both radicalisms and the alternatives together. This second measure focuses on how radicalism may be particularly a rejection of mainstream parties, not partisan orientation generally.

Beyond these two baseline specifications, robustness tests consider different conceptions of radicalism and their alternatives, including different categorizations of parties in the radical right and of radical left families. It shows the —14 mean for each of the sample 20 countries the share of support for radical left and radical right parties, among respondents who supported some party in each of the sample 20 countries.

Combining radical right and radical left support, Denmark is the country with the most radical left Important for the validity of such coding in the ESS data is that the proportions of the respondents expressing support or having voted for radical right parties correlate strongly with actual voting for such parties. See Appendix Figure A2. Finally, to further clarify support for radical right and radical left ideas, we also consider the ESS measures of voter support for parties in terms of the substantive platforms of these parties on issues of anti-globalization nationalism and authoritarianism.

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The MPD measures positive and negative statements about party positions on particular issues by the number of sentences or quasi-sentences as a percentage of the total number of sentences in a manifesto. This makes it possible to gauge priorities of support or opposition to particular policy ideas cf. We focus on a composite of support for and opposition to features of party platforms that gauge anti-globalization nationalism and authoritarianism net of opposition to these principles associated with radical populist backlash Burgoon, , ; Colantone and Stanig, Called Net nationalist autarchy , this composite includes the following components from MPD 10 10 See also Appendix 2 for further details.

In robustness checks, we consider other specifications, such as excluding components that some scholars have found to have uneven traction among contemporary radical right and left parties, such as opposition to democracy. For our tests of Hypotheses 1 and 2, we consider a range of specifications, focusing particularly on those that allow direct comparison of the probability of supporting radical-right, radical-left, or no support, relative to supporting non-radical parties. We model the process of choosing to support a particular type of political party, or not, as a discrete choice problem with four alternatives: 1 support a mainstream party; 2 support a radical left populist party; 3 support a radical right populist party; and 4 support no party.

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We choose this more complex structure over a simple dichotomous model support for radical populist party or not for three reasons. First, Hypothesis 2 can only be tested by separately categorizing radical right and left parties, and comparing the effects of positional deprivation relative to a base category that in itself implies some kind of multinominal rather than binomial model.

Second, positional deprivation can plausibly affect the probability to withdraw from politics all together i. If so, excluding or lumping-together this category together with supporting a non-radical party would underestimate the true effect of positional deprivation on radical party support. Third, dropping cases that do not feel closest to any party would introduce selection bias as it is unlikely that respondents self-select into not supporting any party in a random fashion. And this could distort the true effect of positional deprivation on radical party support.

As controls, we consider a range of socio-demographic, economic, and attitudinal variables.